The class conflict dividing America鈥檚 race warriors
Attempts by the racist 鈥渁lt-right鈥� to recover from the stumbling block of August 2017鈥檚 disastrous Unite the Right rally have been dashed by several recent upheavals.
Chief among them, Richard Spencer鈥檚 anemic performance at Michigan State University at the close of his abortive college speaking tour, the collapse of the neo-Nazi Traditionalist Worker Party (TWP) after chairman Matthew Heimbach鈥檚 arrest and affairs and the doxing of white nationalist Twitter icon @Ricky_Vaughn99 amidst 鈥渢he Great Optics War of 2018.鈥澨�
Each incident underscores a singular, pervasive division among the far right that few are willing to deal with openly or frankly. Where the alt-right offered a sole unifying principle 鈥� the abstraction of white identity 鈥� it sought to overcome the vast gulf of wealth, privilege and education without ever addressing fundamental class differences.听
Jesse Dunstan, cohost of the white supremacist 鈥淭he Daily Shoah鈥� podcast summed up the debate in a segment on April 13, 2018, where he referred to TWP as a "fraudulent and heretical 1.0 trap"
"Class war between us will not be part of that fight. The TWP, to KEK's displeasure, rested its ideology on class warfare rather than collaboration."听
The alt-right鈥檚 recent stumbles are an inevitable byproduct of its attendant organizations鈥� failure to reckon with the sharp class distinctions separating its elitist, university-set leadership from its working-class base.听
鈥淪pencer is a rich boy:鈥� the optics of class
The alt-right saw itself as an ascendant insurgent movement in the aftermath of the 2016 election. The Unite the Right rally would be a culmination,听in their minds, of all of its energies spent meme-ing Trump into office and the debut of a new, regressive political class. The events of August 12, 2017 dashed any hopes the fledgling movement had for political viability. In a stunning collapse, the movement鈥檚 leaders and personalities immediately turned on one another in a desperate scramble to assign blame for the day鈥檚 colossal failures and the tragic death of anti-racist protester Heather Heyer.
As the alt-right attempted to regain its pre-Charlottesville momentum, several leaders engaged in a belated PR campaign while vicious flame wars raged on the The Right Stuff鈥檚 504um, Gab.ai and the KiwiFarms.com. These debates and online battles were framed around the question of 鈥渙ptics,鈥� tactics and messaging.
The 鈥渙ptics鈥� question parallels concurrent and ongoing debates about 鈥淲hite Nationalism 1.0 vs. White Nationalism 2.0鈥� 鈥� euphemisms to describe the conflict-ridden interpersonal and digital landscape that characterized the white nationalist scene in the early 2000s versus the alt-right鈥檚 idealized cooperative model 鈥� and 鈥渧anguarding vs mainstreaming鈥� approaches that would carry white nationalism into mainstream relevance.听
鈥淲N 1.0 was never synonymous with Neo-Nazis, Klansmen and skinheads. It always included more buttoned down real-world groups like American Renaissance and the Council of Conservative Citizens,鈥� Brad Griffin of the white supremacist website Occidental Dissent wrote in a piece addressing the newly appointed leader of Identity Evropa titled, 鈥淩esponse to Patrick Casey.鈥澨�
鈥�1.0鈥檚鈥� are typically characterized as 鈥渧anguardists,鈥� prone to brash, ineffective street activism that did little to appeal to 鈥渘ormies鈥� or raise the profile of white nationalist organizations. 鈥�2.0鈥檚,鈥� the image conscious and media obsessed 鈥渕ainstreamers,鈥� are exemplified by the hackneyed听听portrayal of the alt-right that proliferated during the 2016 election.
Griffin鈥檚 optimism that the perceived differences between the generationally divided 1.0 and 2.0 could be overcome in the alt-right proved short-sighted as media coverage of the alt-right became universally acerbic in the wake of the deadly rally.听
The fault line of class opened immediately. At 4:52 p.m. on the day of Unite the Right, 鈥淩eee Invicta,鈥� a member of the neo-Nazi听Daily Stormer鈥檚听Discord server captured the mood among the alt-right rank-and-file, writing, 鈥淪acco, Eli, and Caerulus should have been in charge. Spencer is a rich boy.鈥�
The vicious 鈥渙ptics debate鈥� began in earnest after the听several banners of the alt-right听retreated in disarray after the Charlottesville rally descended into chaos. The general mindset was that future public displays of force would only be viable with some degree of top-down cooperation in planning and coordination 鈥� particularly on the issue of dress code.听
Andrew Anglin, publisher of the听Daily Stormer, fired the first salvo in the 鈥淕reat Optics War鈥� 听when he criticized the Nationalist Front (NF) 鈥� a unity coalition composed of the neo-Confederate League of the South (LOS), and neo-Nazis in Vanguard America (VA), the National Socialist Movement (NSM) and TWP 鈥� in an October 29, 2017, post titled,听
At the heart of Anglin鈥檚 critique 鈥� which cited Spencer-acolyte Nathan Damigo鈥檚 assertion that the rally was 鈥渃ringe鈥� 鈥� is the notion that an 鈥�80s type Neo-Nazi movement,鈥� that cavorted with the likes of 鈥淣eo-Nazis and the KKK鈥� would repel 鈥渘ormal middle class young guys who simply want to have their nation back.鈥� These individuals 鈥渢end to be repulsed by goon marches by men in tacky military outfits and garish regalia,鈥� he continued.
While Anglin indicated that he 鈥渘ever thought of disavowing鈥� Heimbach and other NF leaders, his contempt for the white supremacist movement鈥檚 working class was evident.
I do not propose to tell working class people what to do. But given that they are only 10% of the American white population and are 鈥� just as a general rule 鈥� going to have less agency and more substance abuse problems than the middle classes, I am not going to make appealing to them my prime goal.
Colton Williams, once a regional leader in TWP, took to the group鈥檚听Discord server to suggest 鈥渟omeone go to Anglin鈥檚 new [Gab] status and make fun of them for being the definition of the big brain nibbas that Hitler hated.鈥�
鈥淭hese types think themselves to be the next social elite, whereupon they can occupy stuffy cabinets with leather chairs and sip wine whilst stroking each other鈥檚 egos over meaningless yammering coated in complex wording,鈥� user 鈥淜ombat-Unit鈥� wrote on August 26, 2017.听
The fusillade continued back and forth, with both sides denigrating one another on optics.听
On October 31, 2017, Griffin, a leadership figure in the LOS, a NF coalition group, authored a piece titled 鈥淗ard Right,鈥� in which he accused Anglin of doing little more than 鈥渟hitposting鈥� and siphoning $150,000 from an already cash-strapped movement.听
As the bickering intensified, Anglin鈥檚 webmaster Andrew 鈥渨eev鈥� Auernheimer听听Matt Parrott and the TWP of 鈥渕arching around with drug addled street thugs and obvious informants in stahlhelms鈥� and of being 鈥淥xycontin romper stomper crews.鈥澨�
Days later, on January 23, 2018, Griffin听听IE on听Occidental Dissent, writing, 鈥淎t the end of the day, the dividing line is 鈥榬acism.鈥� The taboo is imposed from above by a Jewish elite who turn a blind eye to anti-White racism out of self-interest. Identity Evropa isn鈥檛 the first White Nationalist group to be stigmatized and marginalized as just another 鈥榟ate group.鈥� The difference here is that Identity Evropa imagines itself to be a higher status group which has no basis in fact.鈥�
Griffin鈥檚 criticisms of IE and its latest leader, Casey, began simmering in the immediate aftermath of Charlottesville.听
鈥淚E has always been a joke, it鈥檚 totally irrelevant. They aren鈥檛 in any position of authority telling anyone what to do, besides, if it were up to them, 80% of people in Cville would not have shown up for being 鈥榯hugs鈥� and 鈥榥ot respectable,鈥� 鈥淜ombat-Unit鈥� wrote in the TWP Discord room on August 26,2017. 鈥淏ut as always, it鈥檚 the nazis doing 100% of the commie punching while IE is standing back afraid of spilling their latte.鈥�
A few months and several IE leaders later, tensions hadn鈥檛 eased with 鈥淐ommander Johnson鈥� of TWP who on January 29, 2018 referred to IE as, 鈥渁 frat of rich kids with semi racist ideals.鈥�
A picture of unity: 鈥渢hey look down on poor whites.鈥�
The right lurched into 2018. The LOS and TWP hosted a handful of small events that attracted more protesters than racists. Spencer vowed to continue his college tour, intent on funding future activities through a听.
This plan came to a close at Michigan State University, when a crowd of anti-fascist protesters met and brawled with Heimbach, the TWP and a handful of Spencer鈥檚 coterie. The听melee resulted in the arrest of 24, including NPI鈥檚 director Gregory Conte.
Heimbach was initially slated to speak alongside Richard Spencer but his slot was revoked. Heimbach griped to his members,听鈥淪o Spencer won鈥檛 speak at the same place as me apparently. We鈥檙e good enough to protect him at rallies, but I鈥檓 not highbrow enough for his reputation.鈥澨�
The sentiment that the movement鈥檚 less educated should act as street toughs: The old movement dichotomy between 鈥渟uits鈥� above 鈥渂oots鈥� is recast in this context as 鈥渢hose who can read鈥� on behalf of the movement above 鈥渢hose who should bleed鈥� for it.听
After the rally, a photo emerged of Johan Carollo, TWP鈥檚 regional commander in Knoxville, Tennessee, and Conte clutching one another amidst the brawl. AltRight.com ran a blog titled 鈥淎 Picture of Unity鈥� that lauded the image.
One young man, known and respected by all in the movement as a deep thinker and erudite writer, with a sensitivity for art and a deeply nuanced understanding of history and culture, confronted the police as they manifestly refused to do their job. He faced down a squad of heavily-armed thugs in full riot gear and, with an impassioned speech, reminded them of their duty under the Constitution. He sported the fashy undercut, tailored white shirt and khaki pants popular with educated identitarians.
In that moment, another man sprang to his defense. I was with this man the night before, as he coordinated the shuttling of conference attendees to our backup venue. I knew him to be a young man of courage and devotion to duty. That afternoon on the road, he was decked out in the black fatigues of the socialist TWP. His neck and hands were etched with tattoos; his face and bearing those of a worker.
The two men could not have looked more different. Their differences spoke to what is perhaps the greatest wedge presently dividing the American pro-white movement: that of class sensibilities. This is not an accident.
Days later, however, the picture of class unity had faded, at least for TWP.听
鈥淣o working class kid is gona [sic] follow spencer my fiance thinks he is a f--听lol,鈥� user 鈥渨estvirginiatrad鈥� wrote in the TWP Discord server on March 10, 2018.
Tony Hovater, one of TWP鈥檚 founding members, also took a separate view of the events at MSU 鈥� particularly of Spencer鈥檚 apparent embrace of his minor celebrity.
鈥淭he whole VIP van getaway is not a good look,鈥� Hovater told Heimbach on the final episode of TWP鈥檚 Action! Podcast. 鈥淲e all went in there together and we should have left together is where I'm coming from.鈥�
TWP鈥檚 objections and complaints amounted to nothing when the organization completely collapsed a few nights later when Matthew Heimbach was arrested amid allegations of domestic battery and infidelity with the wife of TWP cofounder, Matthew Parrott, who is also his wife鈥檚 stepfather.
Many across the right mocked听Heimbach, Parrott and the TWP, offering them as proof that the optics issue was settled. The hosts of TRS鈥檚 鈥淭he Daily Shoah鈥� podcast dwelt on the incident in an听听interspersed with audio clips from "The Jerry Springer Show"听and "Trailer Park Boys."
鈥淵ou want to LARP [live action role play] like it鈥檚 Greece and you鈥檙e Golden Dawn when you look like you鈥檙e straight out of Golden Corral,鈥� Jesse Dunstan, a longtime host of "The Daily Shoah"听under the moniker 鈥淪ven,鈥� joked with his co-hosts.听
Mike Peinovich, another host of听The Daily Shoah, expressed regret for his prior association with TWP. Peinovich appeared at several rallies with Matthew Heimbach including rallies in听Pikeville, Kentucky, and 听Shelbyville, Tennessee, in 2017.
Griffin, one of Heimbach鈥檚 oldest friends and allies in the white supremacist movement, criticized the gleeful response to the incident in a post on Gab.ai听
鈥淚n all the criticisms of TWP, no one ever once brought up adultery. The real issue was the class issue. They simply found TWP embarrassing because they openly dislike and look down on poor whites.鈥澨�
鈥淓ffective People and Dumb Losers鈥�
Although Matthew Heimbach鈥檚 fall from grace might have given Anglin and his ilk a sense of victory, it was pyrrhic at best. The 鈥淥ptics War鈥� raged on and among the casualties was the Alt-Right鈥檚 most mainstream personality. Twitter user @RickyVaughn99 was doxed after听accusations he had conspired with听weev to divide the movement between 鈥渧anguardists鈥� and 鈥渕ainstreamers.鈥�
鈥淸Vaughn and I] decided (not in league with one another, conspiracy freaks, I'm just saying that the reasoning behind his actions is obviously the same as mine) that hard divisions must be made sooner rather than later between viable actors and nonviable actors,鈥� weev wrote at TRS鈥檚 504um. 鈥淎nyone that was not capable of seeing what these people were and joining in the denouncement was, in our thinking, a non-viable actor and poisonous to the future of the movement.鈥�
Vaughn was听听to be Douglass Mackey, a Middlebury College graduate living in Manhattan whose family is connected to the Vermont GOP. Regarding the 鈥渧anguardists鈥� he decried on Twitter, Mackey used his alter听ego to state, 鈥淚鈥檓 dividing the movement between effective people and dumb losers.鈥�
That this fundamental debate on organizing principles came under the guise of a shrill argument over aesthetics, costume, and pageantry shows the depths of the alt-right鈥檚 narcissism and the limits of its willingness to engage with substantive questions. These divisions have existed throughout the lifespan of American white supremacy.听
Debates around the subjective appeal of blue-denim Americana, plastic stahlhelms听and听sieg-heiling are proxy battles wherein the far right abandoned all attempts at cohesion while failing to address fundamental questions of class division among its ranks.听
Photo illustration by 澳彩开奖.
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