When the âAlt-Rightâ Hit the Streets: Far-Right Political Rallies in the Trump Era
Between 2016 and 2018, Americans witnessed a major upswing in street mobilization by far-right groups, making it one of the most active periods of on-the-ground, extremist activity in decades.
The °Ä˛ĘżŞ˝ą (°Ä˛ĘżŞ˝ą) has documented 125 rallies, marches and protests nationwide, which were organized and attended by far-right extremists, including white nationalists, neo-Nazis, Klansmen, the âalt-right,â and right-wing reactionaries during these three years. There were 74 of these events in 2017 alone, the °Ä˛ĘżŞ˝ą found.Ěý
Those years represented a high point in the movementâs faith in the political process â a faith that has wavered as right-wing extremists have increasingly lost confidence in President Donald Trump. As a result, they have resorted to more authoritarian means of achieving their political goals. Many have retreated from the streets entirely, joining more clandestine extremist cells that believe Americaâs multiracial democracy is headed for inevitable collapse. These so-called accelerationists call for violence to speed the process along.
For example, while members of the far-right âboogaloo boysâ took to the streets in 2020 during the nationwide protests sparked by the police killing of George Floyd, their aims are fundamentally different from radical right groups that did so during Trumpâs candidacy and the early years of his presidency. The boogaloo boys do not plan their own rallies and do not intend to act as an insurgent political force seeking mainstream power.
Instead, they hope to exacerbate larger political tensions and push the country toward a second civil war. For the boogaloo boys and similar groups, taking to the streets is not a return to the far-right politics of protests that the nation previously witnessed, but a shift toward more authoritarian, anti-democratic â and even violent â tendencies within the radical right.ĚýÂ Â Â Â Â Â
As this report demonstrates, there are two distinct periods of far-right activism within recent years, with the latest period harboring an increased threat of violence.
Before the Trump era, far-right public rallies were infrequent. Members of the radical right favored suit-and-tie conferences and used the internet to spread their message, hoping it would bleed into the mainstream. The rise of Trump, a political figure who relied on much of the same divisive rhetoric the far right has historically used to galvanize its membership transformed the political landscape.
The radical right suddenly felt a connection to mainstream politics and a realistic hope of gaining political power, which drew more adherents â and a wider variety of adherents â to the movement. Unsurprisingly, the movement saw an upswing in rallies and other activism.Ěý
These rallies promoted white nationalist conspiracy theories, while some members of the radical right pitched their rallies as a way to address a broad swath of right-wing grievances, concerns over free speech and conspiratorial beliefs that antifa posed an authoritarian threat to the nation. At their core, these rallies were about propaganda. Participants and spectators bonded over a perceived victimhood and claimed they were opposing violent leftists.
White nationalist organizations were also taking to the streets, energized by the activism of the broader political right opposing calls to remove Confederate memorials. More than 360 rallies backing the Confederate battle flag occurred shortly after June 2015 and through the end of that year. It was June 2015 when nine Black people were killed by a white supremacist at a Charleston, South Carolina, church. Photos later surfaced of the gunman with the Confederate battle flag. The eruption of support for the racist symbol and subsequent rallies created a space for hate group members to inject explicit, white racial grievance into the mix of anti-government, pro-Confederate and pro-Trump discourse.
The overall level of activism the radical right was able to sustain between 2016 and 2018 would not have been possible without the ties that extremists forged on social media. Facebook and Twitter, in particular, allowed them to coordinate easily, promote events, spread propaganda and recruit new followers â often anonymously. They built a sense of shared purpose and community online, an indispensable part of why people left their keyboards for the cross streets and parks of Sacramento and Berkeley, California; Portland, Oregon; Charlottesville, Virginia; Washington D.C.; and other cities.
âBasically, it makes me feel part of something bigger than myself and it doesnât make me feel so alone and so ⌠atomized,â one self-described âred-pilledâ man told  in 2018 as he stood outside an event organized by Richard Spencer, a white nationalist who came to prominence during Trumpâs campaign. âRed-pillingâ refers to the adoption of far-right beliefs on race, gender and ethnicity.
While it didnât cause rallies to cease entirely, the deadly rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, in 2017, proved to be a turning point in far-right activism. Before the rally, the radical right was, to an unusual degree, able to look past ideological and tactical differences that have historically divided the movement. The unity and networking the radical right had experienced as a result of its public activism resulted in hundreds of people with tiki torches marching through the Virginia college town. The next day, one of those extremists rammed his car through a peaceful group of anti-fascists, killing activist Heather Heyer.ĚýÂ Â Â Â
Amid the public backlash and lawsuits, white supremacists largely retreated to the internet, focusing on creating spaces that could radicalize young men. But on-the-ground action didnât stop. Groups without explicit racist or fascist aims picked up the far rightâs propagandistic efforts.
In the spring and summer of 2018, the Proud Boys, an all-male group of far-right reactionaries, took the lead. The group carried out a series of rallies in the Pacific Northwest where members outfitted themselves to go to battle with anti-fascists. But after New York City prosecutors charged 10 members of the Proud Boys with riot and attempted assault connected to an October 2018 fight, they, too, .Ěý
The radical right continues to build a movement it believes capable of achieving its revolutionary ends, though its tactics have changed. Rallies no longer hold the strategic value they did in the early days of the Trump era, nor does Trump hold the appeal for a movement disappointed by his inability to fulfill their ethnonationalist or ultra-nationalistic visions.
As a result, the far right has drifted toward more revolutionary ends and taken aim at the state itself. White people, they believe, are facing an apocalyptic threat and need to take action against the âinternational Jewry sealing the doom of my race,â as an  tied to the 2019 Poway, California, synagogue shooting suspect put it.
Others in the movement may be prepping for the âHispanic invasion,â according to  linked to the accused shooter in the El Paso, Texas, Walmart killings in 2019. In attacking those they consider enemies, members of the far right want to awaken white people to what they see as a campaign of racial erasure â or âwhite genocideâ â being committed against them. Each act of violence committed by the movement is part of a larger movement to destabilize the state and bring about a race war.
As this report shows, the radical right is actively looking to exploit todayâs historically polarized political climate â one that has become even more uncertain under the strain of the coronavirus pandemic and protests for racial justice. With the 2020 presidential election fast approaching, the prospect that extremists might resort to political violence is a very real one.
America has a history of sanctioning extrajudicial actions and public displays that reinforce racial segregation, carried out by formal organizations such as the Klan or by ad hoc mobs. Though the form of mobilization has varied, these operations were aimed at bonding participants and showing the strength of their numbers while intimidating communities of color.ĚýÂ
Racist groups saw their numbers shrink during the apex of the civil rights movement but experienced a boom during the 1970s as white Americans grew anxious over shifting race and gender relations, increased immigration and growing economic precariousness. Klan membership gives some evidence of the radical rightâs growing appeal; historian Kathleen Belew noted it grew from 6,500 in 1975 to 10,000 active members and 75,000 sympathizers by 1979. That year, members of the Invisible Empire of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan attacked marchers from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference in Decatur, Alabama. Months later, Klansmen and neo-Nazis killed in Greensboro, North Carolina.
While organized white supremacists continued to use violence against Black people and their allies, by the late 1970s they also put the federal government â which had dismantled much of the legal structures upholding segregation Ââ on their list of enemies. Â
The Zionist Occupation Government, or ZOG, was the true root of their troubles, extremists asserted. The state, as they saw it, was allowing nonwhites to usurp white power with the adoption of policies such as affirmative action. White nationalists went so far as to declare war on the U.S. government, marking what Belew in her book ââ calls a ârevolutionary turnâ in the early 1980s that helped birth the anti-government militia movement. Tactics shifted from marches and rallies toward assassinations and other acts of targeted violence.ĚýÂ
The anti-government movement surged in the early 1990s, buoyed by outrage over the standoff in and the siege in . It ballooned to 858 groups the year after the Oklahoma City bombing, according to an °Ä˛ĘżŞ˝ą tally.
That 1995 attack was the deadliest outcome of the white power and militia movementâs growth. It also dramatically changed how federal law enforcement approached domestic terrorism, leading to the creation of a to address the issue. A series of high-profile arrests and federal and public scrutiny significantly weakened the militia movement, and by 2001 a °Ä˛ĘżŞ˝ą count found 158 antigovernment groups still holding on.
As the militia movement dwindled, white supremacists became more tightly focused on building a racist community and subculture. Neo-Confederates and violent racist skinhead groups flourished during the 1990s and early 2000s, driven by battles over the removal of Confederate monuments and the rise of a racist music scene. Festivals such as the skinhead Hammerfest drew nearly 500 people outside Atlanta in 2000, while the neo-Confederate League of the South (LOS) reached a peak of nearly 9,000 members among 96 chapters that year, according to an °Ä˛ĘżŞ˝ą report.
Other racist organizing during the Clinton and George W. Bush years took place in conference centers and in pseudo-academic journals. Attendees at racist gatherings such Jared Taylorâs annual American Renaissance meeting masked race science with a layer of academic jargon. Taylorâs closed-door, bourgeois brand of racism aimed to shift policy by mainstreaming race science.
Barack Obamaâs election as Americaâs first Black president in 2008 was a boon for the radical right. A slew of racial bias incidents accompanied the historic occasion, and conservative media outlets were more than willing to give oxygen to nativist and anti-Muslim conspiracy theories, including the Obama âbirtherâ conspiracy championed by Trump. Conservative pundits and politicians loudly rebuked from the Department of Homeland Security warning of a looming domestic terrorism threat from white supremacists. The report was retracted, and under pressure from the right.
The day after Trumpâs 2015 presidential campaign announcement, Dylann Roof, a white supremacist radicalized online, murdered nine Black congregants at their church in Charleston. After South Carolina removed the Confederate flag from its Capitol grounds in response to the crime, pressure mounted to take down the flag and other monuments to the Confederacy from public spaces. Â
Attempts to eliminate these racist symbols helped fuel a narrative of right-wing victimization and, for the first time in decades, propelled large numbers into the streets. The °Ä˛ĘżŞ˝ą documented 364 pro-Confederate rallies from June 20, 2015, to Dec. 15, 2015. A July 2015 gathering in Alamance County, North Carolina, drew an , according to a local news report.
Hate group leaders did not organize the bulk of these rallies, but organizations such as LOS and the Council of Conservative Citizens, which are hate groups, were well-represented at them. They âpro-Confederate activismâ on their websites and asked members to share their ideology with potential converts. League member Eric Meadows on the LOS website that he handed out 400 copies of the groupâs print tabloid, The Free Magnolia, at a 2015 pro-Confederate event in Georgia.
Pressure to take down Confederate symbols provided ammunition for conspiratorial fears of âSouthern demographic displacement.â But when it came to strengthening the radical right, Trumpâs presidential campaign helped in a way nothing else had. He opened up space for white nationalists, allowing them to air their views beyond the symbolic defense of the Confederate flag. With debates over a border wall, immigrants and Muslims animating the campaign, members of the radical right found themselves with new avenues to enter public discourse. They readily borrowed Trumpâs rhetoric. A small Klan group held the first notable white nationalist rally of 2016 in Anaheim, California, to denounce, as , âillegal immigration and Muslims.â Three people were stabbed at the rally, the paper reported.
White nationalists didnât always need to host events. Trump rallies provided a similar collective experience with an affirmation of beliefs, an acknowledgement of shared animus and the potential for violent encounters with perceived political opponents. After the Council of Conservative Citizens â the group whose website church shooter as part of his radicalization Ââ canceled its annual conference in August 2015, the League of the Southâs Brad Griffin noted on his blog he would go instead in Mobile, Alabama.
Trumpâs campaign events encouraged a combative form of politics, where attendees came together in opposition to protesters, journalists and establishment politicians. From the dais, Trump as a legitimate way to handle political opposition. At one rally he acted out how, if given the chance, he would have punched a protester who tried to storm the stage. At another, he lamented that ânobody wants to hurt each other anymore.â
His rhetoric may have had a measurable impact in the communities where he spoke. A by political scientists at the University of North Texas and Texas A&M University found that counties that hosted Trump rallies in 2016 saw a 226% rise in reported hate crimes over such events.
Far-right commentators also pointed to confrontational moments outside the events â especially one in San Jose, California, where protesters pelted a Trump supporter Ââ as evidence that conservatives were under attack.
âAs we saw in San Jose, where police looked on with apathy as white people using their right to free speech ⌠were beaten before their eyes,â Matt Heimbach of the Traditionalist Worker Party (TWP) wrote on that , âit is clear that the established system is not only not on our side â it enables and empowers the so-called âradicalâ anti-white terrorists.â
By early 2016, Heimbachâs neo-Nazi group was one of the more prominent players on the scene. That June, members with the Golden State Skinheads. Citing âbrutal assaultsâ against Trump supporters at California rallies, TWP said the Sacramento event was an attempt to protect the white race. âWith our folk on the brink of becoming a disarmed, disengaged, and disenfranchised minority, the time to do something was yesterday!â Heimbach declared on the TWP website.
The Sacramento rally created a playbook that the far right would follow in the next two years. Groups would announce an event in advance on social media, allowing counterprotesters time to mount a response. On the day of such a rally, the right learned that police were sometimes more inclined to observe than interfere. In such an atmosphere it was easy enough for weeks of online posturing to turn into violence.
At the California Capitol, some 30 white supremacists faced off against a much larger group, according to in what one observer called a âfree-for-all.â
âThe police really didnât step in at all,â Cres Vellucci of the National Lawyers Guild told the paper, describing .
At least 10 people were hurt in the melee, , with TWP and the Golden State Skinheads for hospitalizing âsix Antifas.â The white nationalists also claimed victory with an abundance of social media videos, pointing to them as proof of leftist violence. The far right found that such images could be used to justify retaliation.
Some members of the radical right recognized the Sacramento rally was meant to be provocative. âThis was Mattâs plan,â Mike Peinovich said of Heimbach on âThe Daily Shoahâ podcast. âHe knew he was going to get a reaction. He got it, and itâs now amplified his message.â
Peinovich also laughed off the notion that the alt-right â a term then gaining traction to describe the white nationalist movement â was interested in protecting free speech. âI donât care if you personally believe in free speech Ââ like when we inaugurate our Reich obviously commies go to the fucking gulag right away,â he told others on the podcast.
But messaging around free speech was advantageous. It allowed the alt-right to appear sympathetic to the public while offering a possible legal mechanism against leftists, universities and municipalities it accused of denying civil rights to its members.
âRight now, we have a legal system in place that can cause these people pain,â Peinovich said on the podcast, âand we have to do it.â
These far-right rallies werenât so much about taking a political stand as about creating a spectacle. And the Sacramento rally taught the radical right that a lot of people â especially in liberal West Coast cities â were willing to come out in protest using aggressive tactics that could, in turn, aid the rightâs propaganda efforts.Ěý Â
The term alt-right became inescapable during the 2016 presidential election. Though the media puzzled over its definition, it was simply a distinct moment within the long history of white nationalism. The rebranding was strategic. Hate groups âplayed on the mediaâs fascination with novelty to give their ideas mass exposure,â researchers wrote in in 2017.
A cadre of influential propagandists emerged, including Andrew Anglin of the Daily Stormer, Peinovich of The Right Stuff, Richard Spencer of the National Policy Institute, and husband-and-wife team Lana Lokteff and Henrik Palmgren of Red Ice Radio. The goal for many associated with the alt-right was to create content aimed at radicalizing internet users, but trolling was another movement-building strategy. âTriggering the libsâ united disparate parts of the far right as it tried to provoke responses from âsocial justice warriorsâ and the mainstream media.
One example was the âHe Will Not Divide Usâ installation in New York that actor Shia LaBeouf collaborated on with other artists to counter Trumpâs rhetoric. In front of a camera placed on an outer wall of the Museum of the Moving Image in Queens, participants were instructed to repeat the words: âHe will not divide us.â The of 4chanâs /pol/ board, an associated Discord server known as Outer Heaven, and Redditâs /r/The Donald forum.
Before long people appeared at the installation, leading museum security to erect barriers to control the crowds. The museum said the installation âhad become a flashpoint for violence,â marked by arrests (including ), and the project because it created an â.â âHe Will Not Divide Usâ became a roving exhibit for some months, but the trolls on 4chan persisted. When LaBeouf livestreamed a flag bearing the projectâs name from an unnamed location to give his artwork new life, internet sleuths to determine where it was located. The flag may now be hanging in the home of a troll who in Tennessee.
The episode undoubtedly provided entertainment to those watching it play out online, but it also helped forge social bonds. A member of the New York City Daily Stormer Book Club â that, as a result of ł˘˛šľţąđ´ÇłÜ´Úâs project, the alt-right scene in the city became âcompletely cross-pollinated.â Â
The alt-right was also converging on other fronts, dedicating itself not just to mocking enemies but instilling fear. In December 2016, after Anglin, Peinovich and Spencer appeared together on a podcast episode dubbed âThe First Triumvirateâ to unify their fan base, Anglin went to work on Spencerâs behalf. A Jewish real estate agent in Montana who had been in contact with Spencerâs mother found herself the victim of a troll campaign that Anglin launched on the Daily Stormer. At one point, Anglin to Whitefish, Montana, indicating the movementâs understanding of how marches could erode a communityâs sense of security.
Alt-right rallies became a form of âmass triggering.â When it came to creating such spectacle, Milo Yiannopoulos, whom aptly described as a âright-wing professional irritant,â was unmatched. During his âDangerous Faggotâ tour (a name designed to make light of his sexuality and provide a cover for his bigotry), Yiannopoulos consistently targeted vulnerable people, including trans students and immigrants, to whip up his political opponents. He at a December 2016 appearance at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, revealing her name and photo to the audience. That same month, he a âfat faggot.â He frequently and made , which he described as âa bitter, nasty, ugly, man-hating empty horror show.âÂ
Nevertheless, much of the alt-right considered Yiannopoulos a nuisance. On âThe Daily Shoahâ podcast, Spencer, along with Peinovich and his co-hosts, devoted a to putting down Yiannopoulos, accusing him and the rest of the âalt-liteâ of lacking core political tenets except an unwavering enmity toward âSJWs,â or âsocial justice warriors.â
Despite such ridicule, Yiannopoulos was one of the alt-rightâs greatest allies because of his ability to deliver its ideas to his audience when he was an editor at Breitbart News. Emails in October 2017 revealed that Yiannopoulos had shaped a long-form explainer about the alt-right for Breitbart with the editorial input of white nationalists â including Andrew âweevâ Auernheimer of the Daily Stormer and American Renaissance editor Devin Saucier. Journalists from mainstream publications had cited the piece when describing the racist movement, ultimately allowing members of the alt-right to shape their own public image.
As he was helping spread racist messages to a broader public, Yiannopoulos was also siphoning young men from the conservative and libertarian movements into the radical right. Yiannopoulos guided innumerable young men toward extreme material, leading many to embrace overt racism. Research conducted by the °Ä˛ĘżŞ˝ą in 2018 found that more than 12% of users who posted on Peinovichâs forum, The Right Stuff, about their radicalization cited Yiannopoulos as an influence.ĚýÂ
But perhaps Yiannopoulosâ greatest service to the radical right was the parade of angry protesters his tour produced. The tour coincided with the early days of the Trump presidency, when political tensions were high, and the right was thirsty for content that presented any opposition as coordinated and threatening. After the inauguration, where police arrested 200-plus and in the face on camera, Griffin of the LOS concluded the left ânow wants to cross the final line into civil war.â
Violence erupted as well on the opposite coast on Inauguration Day when a counterprotester was wounded outside where Yiannopoulos was speaking at the University of Washington in Seattle. Elizabeth Hokoana was charged with first-degree assault in the shooting of a member of the Industrial Workers of the World, while her husband, Marc, was over firing pepper spray into the crowd.
A judge in the Hokoanasâ trial in August 2019 after jurors deadlocked along what the foreman described as ideological and political lines, reports said, and prosecutors ultimately .
The University of Washington College Republicans, which had sponsored the Yiannopoulos event, on âAntifa, Anarchists, [and] violent political agitators.â He warned on Facebook: âIf you keep prodding the right, you may be unpleasantly surprised what the outcome will be.â
The shooting didnât keep Yiannopoulos from forging ahead with his college tour. Less than two weeks later, his planned speech at the University of California, Berkeley, kicked off a series of violent confrontations that lasted throughout the spring and summer of 2017. Citing that Yiannopoulos was joining with anti-immigrant activist David Horowitz to âtake down the growing phenomenon of âsanctuary campusesâ that shelter illegal immigrants,â the that the campus speaker might out undocumented students.Ěý
Ultimately, Yiannopoulos didnât speak at Berkeley. The university due to after protests .
If Yiannopoulos needed any more proof that his flame-throwing rhetoric could create the kind of spectacle the far-right thrived on, he got it in the form of a tweet from Trump. âIf U.C. Berkeley does not allow free speech and practices violence on innocent people with a different point of view â NO FEDERAL FUNDS?â the .Ěý
While Yiannopoulos racked up huge security bills and headaches for universities, he inspired envy in others on the far right who craved the kind of controversy that seemed to follow him. In late 2016, Spencer announced his own college tour. He had spoken at individual events at Vanderbilt University in 2010 and at Providence College in 2011 on invitation from local chapters of Youth for Western Civilization, led then by white nationalist Kevin DeAnna, but his 2016 tour now drew from Yiannopoulosâ playbook while introducing students to what Spencer called ârealâ alt-right ideas.
Spencerâs âDanger Zoneâ tour took advantage of some open-ended policies that allowed nonstudents to invite speakers to colleges, setting off legal battles as universities attempted to stop him from bringing protests and chaos to their campuses. When Auburn University attempted to cancel an appearance by Spencer, it reportedly ended up to a for the speech.
Spencerâs tour helped to build new levels of coordination and collaboration among the radical right. He surrounded himself with a sprawling network of activists who provided legal representation, built media and messaging plans, coordinated with campus police and arranged security for himself and other members of his cadre. Members of LOS, the Traditionalist Worker Party and circles surrounding The Right Stuff were involved in Spencerâs campus tour, creating the sense that the far right was experiencing unprecedented levels of unity.
Most communication took place online and helped to birth a number of intel and planning groups on platforms such as Facebook that, through subsequent events, eventually grew into a dense organizational network.
One example was the online space that Griffin, the public relations chief for LOS, created to prepare for a 2017 rally aimed at stopping the city of New Orleans from removing a monument to Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee. The Facebook event page âAnti-Antifa Action NOLA working groupâ and a private group called âThe Proud Goysâ (a title clearly aimed at mocking the alt-lite group Griffin considered insufficiently extreme) acted as a big-tent organizing hub for white nationalists, neo-Confederates, neo-Nazis, alt-right trolls and militia members who found common cause over the defense of Confederate monuments. Members included âKeith Swing,â vice commander of Vanguard Americaâs Louisiana chapter; , a former jail guard and author of the Christian Identity website Christogenea; Justin Burton, who claimed Oath Keepers and Three Percenter militia affiliations on his Facebook page; Tyler Tenbrink of a Three Percenter group known as the Texas Ghost Squad; and Shaun Winkler of the LOS, Aryan Nations and the International Keystone Knights of the KKK.
This forum provided a place for possible attendees to get each other riled up. âWe are going to have to understand and be willing to play dirtier and 1000xs crueler than these little 20-year-old gay, fag hags, Jew Antifa bitches could have ever anticipated from a people that has been walked on for close to 160 or even more years!â Adrian Cox Ingram of the Florida League of the South posted. When it appeared that antifa might not show up in the numbers expected, one group member seemed less than disappointed: âI like hitting orcs more than I do commies, I am cool with that.â In this context, âorcsâ is used as a pejorative for Black people.
On the some 150 protesters, many waving Confederate battle flags and LOS âSouthern nationalistâ flags, surrounded the monument. âThereâs going to be antifa blood on this pole,â one helmeted man with a flagpole . An estimated 500 people who supported the statueâs removal surrounded the monument and its defenders.
Police barricades, fortunately, prevented any violence, and Leeâs statue eventually . But the radical right, more unified than it had been in decades, marched forward with renewed confidence. Â
Tensions exploded during the 2017 âSummer of Hateâ Ââ as the Daily Stormerâs Anglin dubbed it Ââ especially on the West Coast. Some members of the radical right realized that, even while claiming to be victims of liberal overreach, they could capitalize on their own violent acts. Video of a dramatic punch could go viral, making heroes out of the movementâs street warriors and recruiting people to the cause.ĚýÂ
One such viral act of violence came at a pro-Trump rally in Berkeley on March 4, 2017, in Berkeley when a commercial diver named Kyle Chapman bashed a counterprotester over the head with a wooden rod. Far-right admirers quickly nicknamed Chapman âBased Stickman,â endlessly sharing images of him charging, clad in homemade armor with stick held aloft.
Chapman told he was first drawn to the movement after seeing video of a Trump supporter being when Yiannopoulos tried to speak at Berkeley. Chapmanâs story was the same for many who would join the rallies: They saw the events on Facebook or other platforms and felt compelled to get involved. The far right had built enough momentum that by the April 15, 2017, âPatriots Dayâ rally â âThe Second Battle of Berkeleyâ â about 200 people showed up to stand against the âSocJus [Social Justice] World Order,â as one put it.
Violence was the main promotional vehicle for the rally. âWe hope the Antifa shows up with a lot of sticks and mace. That way we can legally beat the hell out of them,â a Los Angeles Proud Boy named Sabo , as reported by Berkeleyside. The news site noted that many others echoed his message. âWe need to do whatever it takes to make sure this doesnât end up like that Milo event.⌠Even if it means killing any rioters dressed in black with lethal force,â a person with the handle @antifa_suckass tweeted. Members of the white nationalist street-fighting group Rise Above Movement (RAM) celebrated footage of their members attacking counterprotesters at a âMake America Great Againâ rally in Huntington Beach, California, rally.
Berkeley turned out to be one of the most chaotic events of the summer of 2017. RAM members, with their faces concealed by bandanas and skull masks, instigated some of the first clashes. According to a RAM members later bragged on Twitter that they were âthe first guys to jump over the barrier and engage,â which they said had âa huge impact.â They allegedly hunted down and assaulted counterprotesters who were attempting to leave the park where the rally began. Two RAM members broke their hands at the rally, according to an indictment. that rather than discouraging future altercations, another RAM member suggested adjusting their training to emphasize using âpalm strikesâ to avoid similar injuries.
The âSecond Battle of Berkeleyâ lived up to its name. Hundreds turned out in the streets, where the sounds of M-80 firecrackers and pepper spray intermittently filled the air. The violence became at a certain point âritualized and predictable,â in Mother Jones. Berkeley was âa total Aryan victory,â RAM member later declared in a text message.
As video of the fighting made its way online, no moment captured the heart of the right-wing internet more than when Nathan Damigo, the founder of Identity Evropa, punched a dreadlocked woman in the face. The âfalcon punchâ more than 663,000 views in the two days that followed the rally. Damigo was a â,â according to the Daily Stormer. The punch brought him to the attention of mainstream media, too (including an ), helping to elevate Identity Evropaâs profile.
Members of the so-called alt-lite, who claimed not to hold the racist views of the alt-right, capitalized on the events in Berkeley, exhibiting little concern about the extremists who wanted to share the streets with them.
One of those was Gavin McInnes, a founder of Vice Media. In 2008, after severing ties with the outlet and moving onto right-wing platforms such as Compound Media, he launched a menâs group of âWestern chauvinistsâ called the Proud Boys. McInnes had long trafficked in white nationalist tropes and been friendly with members of the movement, though he was careful to address race with a sense of ironic detachment. He distanced himself from the first Berkeley rally in March, but, according to the , offered support for the second event after seeing how it had launched the celebrity of minor right-wing figures. The day after the Berkeley rally, McInnes said he didnât feel like it was âjust a little, minor battle that was won in Berkeley. This was a tectonic shift.â
Berkeley did mark a change: The right found that violence drove recruitment and that some law enforcement agencies intervened little in what became open-air forums of radicalization. As the summer of 2017 moved forward, members of the right made every effort to toe up against their enemies as often and publicly as possible.ĚýÂ
âUnite the Rightâ in August 2017 was the high-water mark of far-right rallies in terms of attendance, media attention and violence during the period covered by this report. Â Â
Like its forerunners, the Charlottesville rally was organized almost entirely online, predominantly on and . It built on the networks that had been developing through interactions over months of radical right rallies while also helping to foster new relationships among individuals and far-right extremist groups.
For instance, in the âCharlottesville 2.0â Discord server â named so because the first torchlit rally in Charlottesville had been held May 13 Ââ user HueTheHand noted that he while providing âsecurityâ at a June 25 âRally for Free Speechâ at the Lincoln Memorial. The events in Berkeley Colton Merwin to host the Washington gathering, which featured alt-right figures such as Spencer and Christopher Cantwell. HueTheHand (whom anti-fascists identified as Kevin Cottle) first posted on the Charlottesville 2.0 Discord server four days after Merwinâs event. â[M]e and my guys that pulled security for the DC rally are coming down for thisâ from Rhode Island, he posted and then, in a channel dedicated to coordinating carpools, invited others to join them.
For more than two months, discussed what tactical gear and clothing to wear to the rally and chatted about security concerns on the Charlottesville 2.0 server. He also explored the TWP during that time. In June 2017, he posted that other attendees at the Washington rally told him to look into TWP. By that August, the âTWP cabin after partyâ following Unite the Right. Â
In channels such as #vt_nh_me, #midwest_region, #georgia, #carolinas, #california_pacific_nw and #beltway_bigots, members such as HueTheHand encouraged each other to come out to far-right events, made racist jokes and planned for Unite the Right. Â Â
After months of coordination, upward of 500 alt-right members descended on Charlottesville, bringing the violence that would lead to the death of antiracist activist Heather Heyer.
In the aftermath of the deadly rally, Trump offered notoriously ambiguous remarks, insisting there were .â But the response from anti-racist communities was swift and unequivocal. A â a week after Charlottesville brought out an estimated 40,000 counterprotesters against a group of right-wingers so small it reportedly fit within the bandstand at Boston Common.
Facing immense public scrutiny, the alt-right entered into what came to be known as the âoptics debate.â The question was whether the movement would continue to rally in public events to demonstrate its strength or whether it would be better served by retreating to the internet and focusing on radicalizing propaganda.
Spencer still saw public activism as a benefit to the movement, trying to make left-wingers, university professors and administrators look weak by an ethnonationalist to speak on their campuses. As Spencerâs Radix Journal put it in his college tourâs original , his presence would âmake the SJWs cry ⌠and rustle the jimmies of the campus, if not the world.â
Cameron Padgett, a self-professed âa euphemism for white nationalism popular with aimed at radicalizing European youthsâ who applied for the permit for Spencerâs Auburn speech, also obtained a permit for Spencerâs first speech after Charlottesville. Preemptively dubbed âHurricane Spencer,â the Oct. 19, 2017, event at the University of Florida featured a heavy police presence in anticipation of another near-riot.
The speech went disastrously, with an auditorium of counterprotesters shouting Spencer, Peinovich and Padgett off the stage. Three men from Texas, brothers William and Colton Fears and were arrested shortly after the event.
The arrests were sparked by Tenbrink firing a gun into counterprotesters. was sentenced to five years in prison for accessory after the fact to attempted first-degree murder, and Tenbrink got 15 years for aggravated assault with a deadly weapon and possession of a firearm by a felon. Florida prosecutors dropped attempted murder charges against William Fears.
By March 2018, when the TWP and Patriot Front accompanied Spencer to Michigan State University, it was clear the landscape had shifted since Charlottesville. The alt-right was skittish, with Spencerâs supporters reduced to to his speech in a Macyâs parking lot. The optics failed to improve from there. met the white supremacists and refused to let them enter the agricultural pavilion where Spencer was set to speak. Fights broke out. In the end, police reportedly Ââ including , operations director for Spencerâs National Policy Institute â and only a few dozen made it to Spencerâs speech.Ěý
Members of the movement now choosing to eschew street activism mocked the display: âWatching a bunch of âAlt-Rightâ fat guys in costumes get shouted down in the street and laughed at ⌠hurts the morale of our own guys,â Anglin, the Daily Storm operator, wrote on Gab, and âtakes away from things that we've been doing successfully in the propaganda sphere.â
Spencer seemed to agree, announcing in the aftermath of the Michigan event he was ending the college tour to make a âcourse correction.â âAntifa is winning,â he to The Washington Post. Â
Public activism began to fall out of favor following the Michigan State debacle, and the groups that came to prominence were the ones that displayed a near-obsession with aesthetics and workshopped talking points (sometimes derisively referred to as âoptics cucksâ by others in the movement).
Identity Evropa and Patriot Front exemplified this turn. , who had helped plan the Charlottesville rally, stepped down in its aftermath. , who attended Charlottesville as a member of Vanguard America, broke away from that group and formed Patriot Front. Both white nationalist groups decided they would no longer attend big-tent events and instead held only unannounced âflash demonstrations,â where they carried banners bearing their logos and chanted nativist slogans.
After Charlottesville, white nationalists made what alt-right podcaster Douglass Mackey, aka â,â called a âtactical retreat back to the internet.â âMaybe youâre going to have to abandon the alt-right as something thatâs in real life,â he said on a March 2018 episode of the podcast âStrike and Mike.â âMaybe itâs going to be an online counterculture, and youâre going to go into the street as something else.â Â
As the alt-right vacated the streets, the Proud Boys stepped in. Though some members were present at Unite the Right, the groupâs founder, McInnes, publicly disavowed the event beforehand, much as he distanced himself from the first Battle of Berkeley. That meant the Proud Boys could move in â almost always under the banner of âfree speechâ â without the same level of scrutiny as neo-Nazis and white nationalists.
The Proud Boys furthered the mission of the alt-right, whatever their protestations. While being deeply misogynistic and anti-Muslim, the group focused its message predominantly on opposition to the left â a wide swath of the political spectrum reduced to a cartoonishly violent menace that could only be met by force. Their street battles against anti-fascists, which peaked in the summer of 2018, perpetuated the far rightâs narrative that the left was unhinged and hellbent on imposing political correctness on the masses.
The Proud Boys were most active in the Pacific Northwest, particularly Portland. The Oregon city had two things making it a tinderbox: a robust anti-fascist movement ready to meet the Proud Boys in the streets and a right-wing leader named Joey Gibson willing to lead an endless string of rallies. Gibson was not a Proud Boy, but his Trump-supporting group, Patriot Prayer, consistently partnered with the so-called Western chauvinists.ĚýÂ Â
The summer of 2018 was marked by a series of violent rallies, several of which descended into riots. Nothing helped draw people like the chance to fight in the streets with anti-fascists, and no moment epitomized the allure of violence better than a knockout punch delivered by that June at a Portland rally. Right-wingers around the internet celebrated footage of the knocking an anti-fascist protester unconscious. âSeeing that soy boy antifa scum get knocked the fuck out has been the highlight of my year. [Iâve] watched it over and over,â one Facebook user wrote.
But the violence caught up with the Proud Boys. In October 2018, after McInnes gave a speech in Manhattan commemorating the 1960 assassination of a Japanese socialist leader (complete with a re-enactment), riled members of the Proud Boys instigated a fight near the venue. of the group faced charges related to the fight.
The charges had a chilling effect on the group. It was swiftly removed from a number of social media platforms, including , which had served as its primary organizational hub. from the group he founded because, as he said in a YouTube video, it would âshow jurors that they are not dealing with a gang and there is no head of operations.â The stream of rallies came to an abrupt halt.
By late 2018, organized and planned far-right rallies had dramatically declined. But the far right was making its presence known in other ways. While public demonstrations ebbed, during the Trump era.
Between 2014 and 2018, men influenced by the alt-right in the United States and Canada killed 81 people, according to numbers tabulated by the °Ä˛ĘżŞ˝ą. At least 40 of those killings happened in 2018. Thirteen were in October alone, when two Black people were gunned down in a Kentucky grocery store, followed by the massacre of 11 worshippers at a Pittsburgh synagogue.
In 2019, after a was accused of killing 51 people in an attack on New Zealand Muslims, a man in Poway, California, attempted to emulate that attack. His rifle apparently jammed after he synagogue on the final day of Passover, but one person was killed and three others injured. An online manifesto tied to the suspect for setting fire to the Islamic Center of Escondido, California, a month earlier. Then in August, a man entered an El Paso Walmart and killed 22 people. An online manifesto linked to that suspect claimed a ââ was threatening Texas.
More violence was planned or attempted. A Missouri man, Taylor Wilson, in prison on a terrorism charge after boarding a secure area of an Amtrak train armed with a handgun. Law enforcement said it foiled a plot by Coast Guard Lt. Christopher Hasson, a self-described , to kill Democratic politicians and media figures. to federal gun and drug charges. pleaded guilty to mailing pipe bombs (which turned out to be duds) to more than a dozen Trump critics and was sentenced to 20 years in prison. A man pleaded guilty to , who is a Muslim. In less than three weeks following the El Paso shootings, CNN reported that police arrested accused of threatening to commit mass shootings. Â Â
Against the backdrop of this surge of terror, the far right has largely turned away from public rallies, once a sign of its perceived connection to mainstream politics. These rallies demonstrated the hope the movement could have an impact on the halls of power. Trump was there after all, and members of the radical right saw him as a political savior, or at least assurance their moment had arrived.
But the world of 2016 looks very different from that of 2020. Hate groups, by and large, no longer stand by Trump because they donât believe he stands by them. Spencer declared the Trump moment over in November 2018, tweeting that the administration âdiffered little from what we could have expected from Jeb [Bush] or Marco [Rubio].â Griffin of LOS expressed his view in Occidental Dissent, âI started out 2017 deeply skeptical of the incoming Trump administration. I predicted âwe are about to enter the gates of this false paradise.â By 2018, I was convinced that subsequent events had proven that my assessment was correct.â
The overwhelming emotion among white supremacists now is rage. Many of these white supremacists feel cheated by a president whom they see as failing to fulfill his most authoritarian promises. They face intense scrutiny and resistance when they try to organize in the streets and find themselves being deplatformed from online spaces that initially helped them amplify their message. In the minds of many on the far right, these things amount to proof of a global conspiracy hellbent on white genocide.
As a result of their frustration, some members of the far right have decided to take matters into their own hands. Much of the movement has devoted itself to spreading propaganda-promoting violence, whether itâs footage from the Christchurch, New Zealand, massacre or memes celebrating killers.
The men accused of committing these acts are markedly younger than white supremacist killers who came before them. A study the °Ä˛ĘżŞ˝ą conducted of domestic terrorist attacks between April 2009 and early February 2015 â the overwhelming majority of which were committed by one or two people â found that roughly 66% of offenders were over the age of 29. âThis suggests,â the report noted, âthat perpetrators spend many years on the radical right, absorbing extremist ideology, before finally acting out violently.â
Comparatively, in a report examining killers who were influenced by the alt-right between 2014 and early 2018, the °Ä˛ĘżŞ˝ą found that the average age among perpetrators was 26. The internet was clearly a means of communication and radicalization during the period of the earlier study, but it has since come to play an even more crucial role. that as the speed at which users can consume information and build networks online accelerates, the period of time for radicalization also shrinks.
Among the most extreme part of the movement, suspects in recent deadly attacks are deemed worthy of canonization. , accused of killing 11 at the Pittsburgh synagogue, and , charged in the deadly Poway synagogue shooting, are now âSaint Bowersâ and âSaint Earnest.â âHail the new saint. Iâm really excited to see that you know one is leading to another. The dominoes are in fact falling,â one of the hosts of a podcast called âThe Gas Stationâ said in the aftermath of the Poway attack.
âThe gaps between these shootings is growing smaller and smaller each time,â a co-host called Vic Mackey said, adding that âthings are heating up, and thereâs no putting the cat back in the bag. Thereâs just too many motivated, angry righteous white men out there who are just reaching the ends of their ropes.â
As the show neared its end, a host by the name of Sarin predicted a future of increasing violence: âI have the feeling that itâs going to continue exponentially and grow and grow, and I can only hope that it does and get this thing really started.â
Lead Photo by NurPhoto/Getty Images
